Voilence In Chicago History essays

Voilence In Chicago History essays During the 1871-1929 time period Chicago was a town in which both criminal and social workers operated. For various reasons both of these groups found a way to operate in the same city. Sometimes because they wanted to co-exist in the same place and sometimes A large amount of Chicagos famous social work dealt with the rising immigrant population. These immigrants came to Chicago from other lands looking for a better life. However, it would be naive to think all of the immigrants were willing to attain power and wealth legally. These immigrants would become both legit and corrupt politicians as well as some of Chicagos most notorious gangsters. Fred Lundin, an immigrant from Sweden, was behind the election of W.H. Thompson as mayor of Chicago. Lundin did not follow the traditional American route to success. He did not scrape and claw his way to the top; important friends pushed him up the ranks. Despite this, Lundin bought himself a seat in the House of Representatives, which led to a scandal. The end result of this scandal was that in 1911 Lundin was kicked out of the House and an Amendment to the Constitution was written calling for the direct election of senators. Crime as well as criminals simply emerged from the immigrant population. Since the immigrant population was loyal to its own kind and never really complained about corruption, social workers did not bother with hard crime such as shakedowns and racketeering. They were more concerned with the moral crime of not helping those who One cannot say because of this corrupt politician and other criminals like Al Capone that all immigrants were corrupt. However, the immigrants were loyal to their own kind. All the groups of immigrants lived in their own community separate from the other immigrants. There were not too many attempts made to bring the people from various lands together either. Jane Addams ...

Nine Rules You Need to Know About Quotation Marks

Nine Rules You Need to Know About Quotation Marks Whether you call it a quotation mark, quote mark, inverted comma, or talking mark, punctuation used to denote a direct quote when writing the English language comes with some confusing- therefore, often misunderstood- rules to follow. Much of the confusion is caused by opposing rules for quotation marks between the two styles of American English and British English. Whichever style used, rules related to the use of quotation marks when writing a sentence are some of the most commonly misunderstood rules in English. Basically- if you have a difficult time following them or remembering them, dont feel bad because youre definitely not alone.Despite the confusion surrounding its form and usage, the quotation mark dates back to 15th-century manuscripts, when passages that were particularly important were pulled out of the main body and placed in the margins as a notation. Although not necessarily a direct quotation, these passages were distinguished from the rest of the words with identif ying marks that would later evolve into our modern quotation marks. It wouldnt be until the 16th century, however, that printers would start using symbols that are similar to the quotation marks we use today, while the 17th century began using it to denote words spoken.Double or singleThe double quotation mark () is used to open a quote and end a quote in American-style English. This form of quotation mark it is the oldest form, with the single quotation mark () showing up around 1800 to denote a secondary level of quote, also known as a quote within a quote.Continuing its often confusing variations among American and British writers, rules for punctuation in English writing are almost opposite each other when it comes to the use of quotes. For example, in America, a writer would use the double quotation mark for a primary-level quote, while using single quotation marks to denote a quote within a quote, or secondary level of usage. Writers across the UK, however, would do the exact opposite, using the single quotation mark to denote a primary quotation and the double quotation mark to denote secondary-level quotes, such as idioms or a quote within a quote.Whether you are writing in American-style English or British-style English, the most obvious and most used purpose of a quotation mark is to denote when someone is speaking in a sentence. However, the problem is usually not found in the quotation marks place in the sentence- rather, the confusion is often in where to place other punctuation in and around the quotation marks.For this reason, we will cover the basic rules of quotation marks in both American and British styles of the language.Rule 1 - Marking the primary quoteAmericans use the double quotation mark () to mark a primary quote, while the UK uses a singular quotation mark () to do so. Again, the rules between the two styles are exactly opposite. For example, lets take a look at how two sentences with direct or primary-level quotes are written in A merican-style English.American EnglishDont leave the house, my mother said.Dr. Morgan stated that a miracle needs to happen for her to get back on her feet.Now, lets take those same two quotes and look at them written in the British-style of English:British EnglishDont leave the house, my mother said.Dr. Morgan stated that a miracle needs to happen for her to get back on her feet.Rule 2 - Marking the secondary-level quoteIn keeping with the theme of exactly opposite rules between American-style and British-style English, the secondary level of a quote is also handled differently. Americans use the single quotation mark () to denote a secondary-level quote (otherwise known as a quote within a quote or nested quote), while the UK uses a double quote () to do so.American EnglishHe told me very plainly to pack up and leave, she said.When the officer yelled stop loudly, I stopped immediately, claims Sarah.As can be seen in both examples, for American-style English, when there is a quote within a quote, the double quotation mark is used as the first level or primary level of the quote, while the single quotation mark is used to denote the second level of the quote (or the nested quote).Of course, as it goes, the opposite applies when writing in British-style English, as shown below.British EnglishHe told me very plainly to pack up and leave, she said.When the officer yelled stop loudly, I stopped immediately, claims Sarah.Rule 3 - Comma usage near quotesWhen writing a quote in American or British English, a comma is generally used to separate the quote from other parts of the sentence. This happens when clauses like he said or she said (or something similar) are used as non-quoted words connected with quoted ones. In American-style English language writing, the comma is placed inside the quotes in these circumstances, unless separating the quote itself. In cases such as this, the comma would be inside of the first set of quotation marks and outside at the beginnin g of the second set.American EnglishIts a beautiful day, she said, lets have a picnic.They called and said, We have some great news for you.In British-style English, commas are placed outside of the quotation marks at all times, unless they are part of the quoted phrase. Weve written the same sentences below, so you can see the difference between the two styles.British EnglishIts a beautiful day, she said, lets have a picnic.They called and said, We have some great news for you.Rule 4 - Period or full stop usageThe fourth rule is similar to the third rule, but applies to period or full stop usage when related to quotes. The same examples used in Rule 3 apply here, as well. American English puts the period or full stop inside of the quotes, while British-style English puts the period outside of the quotation marks.Rule 5 - The question markNow that weve explained the differences between American-style English and British-style English when it comes to using commas or periods along with quotation marks, you can breathe easier. Thats because all other punctuation besides the comma and period is handled the same way in both American-style English and British-style English.Specifically, both styles put the question mark in the most logical place in the sentence. If the question is within the quote itself, the question mark should also be placed within the quotation marks. If the question is the entire sentence, which is partially quoted with perhaps an idiom or ironic statement, the question mark punctuates the end of the sentence- outside of the quotation marks used.American EnglishDo you understand what it means to be back at square one?Do you really think theyll just give me a slap on the wrist like they said they would? she asked.British EnglishDo you understand what it means to be back at square one?Do you really think theyll just give me a slap on the wrist like they said they would? she asked.Rule 6 - Idioms and words used in a nonstandard wayAs we briefl y mentioned above, quotation marks are used in both styles of English to denote a term that is classified as an idiom, or is used in some non-standard way such as ironically or sarcastically. Note that in this rule, the same standards noted in Rules 3 and 4 apply. Americans put the period or full stop inside the quotes, while the UK does the opposite.American EnglishNow I know why we use the term break a leg.I see that John is still spending a lot of quality time with his friend.British EnglishNow I know why we use the term break a leg.I see that John is still spending a lot of quality time with his friend.Rule 7 - Denoting shorter components of literature or other worksIn both styles of English, quotation marks are used to denote shorter components of literature or other works, such as titles of short stories, poems, a chapter from a book, a song that is part of a larger composition, a scene from a play, etc. Here is a complete list of components that should be denoted with quotat ion marks.PoemsShort storiesEssaysSongsChapter titlesMagazine or newspaper articlesIndividual episodes of a television seriesPage of a Web siteScenes from a play or musicalBelow are some examples of how this is done in both American-style and British-style English.American EnglishThe Waltz of the Flowers is my favorite part of the Nutcracker ballet.Poes famous short story, The Tell-Tale Heart, demonstrates how the author uses images of death and bleakness to convey his version of Romanticism.British EnglishThe Waltz of the Flowers is my favorite part of the Nutcracker ballet.Poes famous short story, The Tell-Tale Heart, demonstrates how the author uses images of death and bleakness to convey his version of Romanticism.Rule 8 - Quoted material interrupted by non-quoted material.When quoting a speaker or writer directly, we often include non-quoted words as well. In both American and British styles of English, the direct quote is separated from the non-quoted material with a comma. H owever, as shown in Rule 3, British English places the comma outside of the direct quote, while American English places it inside on the first set and outside of the second.American EnglishWere almost there, said Pat, only a few more miles to go.I dont think science backs this theory, stated Dr. Williams. You need to find scientific proof!British EnglishWere almost there, said Pat, only a few more miles to go.I dont think science backs this theory, stated Dr. Williams, you need to find scientific proof!Rule 9 - Quotes across paragraphsIn both styles of English language writing, when a quote spans multiple paragraphs, each paragraph begins with a quotation mark to denote the continuation of the quote. However, the closing quotation mark is only applied to the paragraph that contains the end of the quote.

Week 5 discussion 1 and 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Week 5 discussion 1 and 2 - Essay Example A normal person of average neuropathy scores between three and six. An average non-psychopathic criminal scores of between 16 and 22. A criminal with antisocial personality scores between 22 and 26 while a serious psychopathic antisocial personality criminal scores between 26 and 29 (Snowden & Gray, 2011). The PC L-R’s twenty traits are grouped into two factors; factor one is described as true psychopathy traits, which describes the mental, psychological, and erosional state. They are eight traits that assess how an individual feels, mental status and thought process. Factor two traits are referred to as false psychopathy. The factor two traits describe an individual’s conducts, demeanor and activities. The traits assess antisocial, deviant behavior and lifestyle behavior (Barone, 2004). In as much as PC L-R is one of the most credible tools for assessment of psychopathy, it may not entirely address the nature of human behavior as behavior is influenced by social and cultural environment. In certain social settings, it is culturally ethical and acceptable to conduct activities like cattle rustling, which is not ethical in other communities. It would be inappropriate to apply the rating scale on people homogenously as it could have legal implication when an individual is found not guilty on an insanity defense. However, through the use of the PC L-R assessment, a rehabilitation mechanism could be developed and implemented effectively as a means of changing the dominant undesirable antisocial traits (Cooke et al., 2007). Serial murder is an unlawful homicide of more than two people, which is carried out systematically in a period of more than 30 days. Serial murder can occurs in a specific place or different locations, but appears to have similar motive. Serial killings bare similar characteristic, planned, and have a cooling off period between the killings. An example of serial murder is that of Ted Bundy,

Love Malin problems related to hunger and life and death Case Study

Love Malin problems related to hunger and life and death - Case Study Example On a more specific ground, Mali, a nation in the West Africa is evaluated and assessed on the basis of its problems related to hunger, life and death. There are numerous causes of deaths in Mali. Most of them are: accidents, wars, homicides and diseases (Dettwyler, 1994). These causes are just but general, are the same as in the rest of the world. Therefore, there are unique conditions that accelerate Mali’s problems in relation to the three variables aforementioned. The distinctive reasons are intertwined to explain the gap between this nation and the rest of Africa, as well as with the rest of the world. On the same note, anthropology has a role to play. Malnutrition is a common problem in Mali. Lack of proper nutrition among both children and adults has been a result of extensive hunger across the country. There are little or no efforts by the government to resolve this issue, so affording proper meals is a hustle by itself. Over and above the hunger issue there are certain diseases that have kept this country cornered. They are: malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. Malian problems mostly impact young children since they are adversely affected by malaria. Biomedicine has fundamental role to play here, but the core values of the Malian culture are a significant stumbling block. There are some efforts in pursuit to address the Malian problem. Some have succeeded while others have failed. The impact characteristic of these efforts depicts collaboration with the locals in order to deal with the problem from their perspective. Malian condition of hunger, life and death makes its impacts across personal and social boundaries. There are social, economic, political and psychological effects of these problems. Emotional stress, tragedies and frustrations are often experienced by locals prior to problems that relate to hunger, life and death. These problems cannot be simply addressed by taking

Negotiation Situation Essay Example for Free

Negotiation Situation Essay In the negotiation of a mortgage refinance, you can run into many different types of situations that you have to be prepared for. How we interact during a negotiation can make or break an agreement. Successful use of communication tools and preparing yourself to handle personalities will contribute to the outcome. Analyzing the Roles of Communication In this situation the initial state of the negotiation was not moving forward in a positive direction. The bank was dealing with many customers with mortgages that were months behind due to the economic crash at the time. We were one of those affected; the construction boom took a turn for the worse and work slowed down. Although we kept in contact with our bank regarding our situation, they were not willing to negotiate new terms to our agreement. As a home owner you never want to get behind on your payments, so we continued to make partial payments. The bank continued to accept the partial payments, yet didn’t want to work with us to reassess our situation. â€Å"Discussion does not mean fighting and shouting, instead it is simply the exchange of one’s ideas, thoughts and opinions with each other. One needs to have excellent communication skills for a healthy and an effective discussion. (Role of Communication in Negotiation, 2012)† The bank acted with diplomacy and tactfulness. After speaking with realtors and obtaining consultations from acquaintances, we realized for the bank to take action, we had no choice but to stop paying the mortgage. We knew at that moment that it became a game of the bank vs. the homeowners. The way you communicate varies according the formality of the situation. (Key Aspects of Communication in Negotiation) By making partial payments, the bank was content with us. We were getting further behind, and incurring penalties towards our mortgage. Taking action did get the attention of the other party. The impact of the communication, made the bank realize they needed to have more meaningful conversations with us. We finally were able to alter their perceptions and expectations concerning the situation, relationship and outcome. Through many discussions with the bank, we came to an agreement to attempt to sell the house this way to avoid foreclosure and or a short-sale. The mortgage payments were frozen during this period. We knew we were treading water, since the housing market was at a virtual standstill. After exhausting conversations with the bank, we were at the point where we were going to have to walk away from the house. Our emotions at this point, were wearing thin. This process was taking months, and also taking its toll on our patience with the bank. We wanted to be responsible for our decisions, but we were being forced to make a decision that would hurt our credibility for the future. Our sincerity was our most important personality traits exhibited in this negotiation. We had to show our sincerity for an effective negotiation. We never took the situation casually. In the eleventh hour of negotiations, the bank was willing to refinance with a co-signer. Luckily, our relatives were willing to assist, and were kind enough to co-sign. The bank was very cooperative and we were moving forward in a positive way. Analyzing Personality Failures and distortions in perception, cognition, and communication are the paramount contributors to breakdowns and failures in negotiation (Lewicki−Saunders−Barry, 2005). Negotiators use information to challenge the other party’s position or desired outcomes or to undermine the effectiveness of the other’s negotiating arguments. Even in the simplest negotiation, the parties take a position and then present arguments and facts to support that position. As the homeowners, we argued to gain terms that were within our reach to be able to afford the home and avoid a foreclosure. The bank had a different set of terms, that would stretch our ability to make ends meet, and we had to stand firm with our decision to adhere to our end goal. For us, our personality in this situation varied. At times we were very cooperative, as was the bank. But at times, the bank exhibited an aggressive behavior, and made us think we only had one option to explore. The bank exhibited a power position, to intimidate and instill fear. As homeowners, we were emotionally attached to the home. We knew that we had to remove our emotions, and treat this as a business deal. That was difficult. We were able to neutralize our emotions, and handle the situation in the most professional way. Personalities in such a high-stake situation can get intense. We viewed the bank as goliath and us as David. The bank was responsive, but we found when we got upset and put them under pressure, the bank became uncomfortable and worried about damaging the relationship with us as the customer. Contributions of those Roles to the Outcome Our ability to stand our ground and be vigilant with our information upfront, aided our ability to work with the bank to come to an agreement. To reach this agreement a third party did have to enter the discussions. This third party assisted both sides in reaching a final agreement. The process was a roller coaster; it was also a learning experience for both sides. In the end, we were happy with the final terms. The bank did make some small mistakes throughout the whole process, and due to their mistakes being presenting in writing, had to honor those terms in the paperwork. We were able to avoid a 5-year ARM agreement, and were able to secure a 30 year fixed mortgage at a very low rate, due to their mismanagement of information. The point is to never quit with a bank. As long as they keep coming back with counter offers, you do the same. At some point, youll make a deal, and it might be better than you ever expected. Looking back, it is very important to remove your personal emotions from the negotiations. Emotions need to be under control on both sides to achieve a successful end. If you have ever felt like you were stuck in a burning high rise with only one way out at times, we know that if you work with the right people, your chances of success increase with every option you have. Bibliography Key Aspects of Communication in Negotiation. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/comm440-540/commfactors.htm (2005). How to Improve Communication in Negotiation. In Lewicki−Saunders−Barry, Negotiation, Fifth Edition (p. 175). The McGraw−Hill. Role of Communication in Negotiation. (2012). Retrieved January 19, 2013, from Management Study Guide: Pave your way to Success: http://www.managementstudyguide.com/role-of-communication-in-negotiation.htm

The Life and Times of Johannes Kepler :: Essays Papers

The Life and Times of Johannes Kepler Johannes Kepler, was a German astronomer and natural philosopher, noted for formulating and verifying the three laws of planetary motion. These laws are now known as Kepler's laws. Johannes Kepler was born in Weil der Stadt in Swabia, in southwest Germany. From 1574 to 1576 Johannes lived with his grandparents; in 1576 his parents moved to nearby Leonberg, where Johannes entered the Latin school. In 1584 he entered the Protestant seminary at Adelberg, and in 1589 he began his university education at the Protestant university of Tà ¼bingen. Here he studied theology and read widely. He passed the M.A. examination in 1591 and continued his studies as a graduate student. There he was influenced by a mathematics professor, Michael Maestlin, an adherent of the heliocentric theory of planetary motion first developed by the Polish astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus. Kepler accepted Copernican theory immediately, believing that the simplicity of Copernican planetary ordering must have been God's plan. In 1594 Kepler accepted an appointment as professor of mathematics at the Protestant seminary in Graz in the Austrian province of Styria. He was also appointed district mathematician and calendar maker. For six years, Kepler taught, geometry, Virgil, arithmetic, and rhetoric. There he worked out a complex geometric hypothesis to account for distances between the planetary orbits-orbits that he mistakenly assumed were circular. Kepler then proposed that the sun emits a force that diminishes inversely with distance and pushes the planets around in their orbits. Kepler published his account in a thesis entitled Mysterium Cosmographicum (â€Å"Cosmographic Myster y†) in 1596. This work is significant because it presented the first comprehensive and logical account of the geometrical advantages of Copernican theory. Kepler held the chair of astronomy and mathematics at Graz University from 1594 until 1600. Because of his talent as a mathematician, displayed in his thesis, Kepler was invited by Tycho Brahe to Prague to become his assistant and calculate new orbits for the planets from Tycho's observations. Kepler moved to Prague in 1600. Kepler served as Tycho Brahe's assistant until the Brahe’s death. On the death of Brahe in 1601, Kepler assumed his position as imperial mathematician and court astronomer to Rudolf II, Holy Roman emperor. In 1609 his Astronomia Nova (â€Å"New Astronomy†) appeared, which contained his first two laws: planets move in elliptical orbits with the sun as one of the laws, and a planet sweeps out equal areas in equal times.

Foucault Power

The Subject and Power Author(s): Michel Foucault Source: Critical Inquiry, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Summer, 1982), pp. 777-795 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/1343197 . Accessed: 26/09/2011 07:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive.We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email  protected] org. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Critical Inquiry. http://www. jstor. org The Subject and Power Michel Foucault Why Study Power? The Question of the Subject The ideas which I wo uld like to discuss here represent neither a theory nor a methodology. I would like to say, first of all, what has been the goal of my work during the last twenty years.It has not been to analyze the phenomena of power, nor to elaborate the foundations of such an analysis. My objective, instead, has been to create a history of the different modes by which, in our culture, human beings are made subjects. My work has dealt with three modes of objectification which transform human beings into subjects. The first is the modes of inquiry which try to give themselves the status of sciences; for example, the objectivizing of the speaking subject in grammaire generale, philology, and linguistics.Or again, in this first mode, the objectivizing of the productive subject, the subject who labors, in the analysis of wealth and of economics. Or, a third example, the objectivizing of the sheer fact of being alive in natural history or biology. In the second part of my work, I have studied the obje ctivizing of the subject in what I shall call â€Å"dividing practices. † The subject is either This essay was written by Michel Foucault as an afterword to Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralismand Hermeneuticsby Hubert L.Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow and reprinted by arrangement with the University of Chicago Press. â€Å"Why Study Power? The Question of the Subject† was written in English by Foucault; â€Å"How Is Power Exercised? † was translated from the French by Leslie Sawyer. Critical Inqury 8 (Summer 1982) , 1982 by The Uni ersity of Chicago. 0093-1896/82/0804-0006$01. 00. All rights reserved. 777 778 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power divided inside himself or divided from others. This process objectivizes him. Examples are the mad and the sane, the sick and the healthy, the criminals and the â€Å"good boys. Finally, I have sought to study-it is my current work-the way a human being turns himself into a subject. For example, I have chosen the domain of s exuality-how men have learned to recognize themselves as subjects of â€Å"sexuality. † Thus, it is not power but the subject which is the general theme of my research. It is true that I became quite involved with the question of power. It soon appeared to me that, while the human subject is placed in relations of production and of signification, he is equally placed in power relations which are very complex.Now, it seemed to me that economic history and theory provided a good instrument for relations of production and that linguistics and semiotics offered instruments for studying relations of signification; but for power relations we had no tools of study. We had recourse only to ways of thinking about power based on legal models, that is: What legitimates power? Or, we had recourse to ways of thinking about power based on institutional models, that is: What is the state? It was therefore necessary to expand the dimensions of a definition of power if one wanted to use this definition in studying the objectivizing of the subject.Do we need a theory of power? Since a theory assumes a prior objectification, it cannot be asserted as a basis for analytical work. But this analytical work cannot proceed without an ongoing conceptualization. And this conceptualization implies critical thought-a constant checking. The first thing to check is what I shall call the â€Å"conceptual needs. † I mean that the conceptualization should not be founded on a theory of the object-the conceptualized object is not the single criterion of a good conceptualization. We have to know the historical conditions which motivate our conceptualization.We need a historical awareness of our present circumstance. The second thing to check is the type of reality with which we are dealing. A writer in a well-known French newspaper once expressed his surprise: â€Å"Why is the notion of power raised by so many people today? Is Michel Foucault has been teaching at the College de Fra nce since 1970. His works include Madness and Civilization (1961), The Birth of the Clinic (1966), Discipline and Punish (1975), and History of Sexuality (1976), the first volume of a projected five-volume study. Critical Inquiry Summer1982 779 it such an important subject?Is it so independent that it can be discussed without taking into account other problems? † This writer's surprise amazes me. I feel skeptical about the assumption that this question has been raised for the first time in the twentieth century. Anyway, for us it is not only a theoretical question but a part of our experience. I'd like to mention only two â€Å"pathological forms†-those two â€Å"diseases of power†-fascism and Stalinism. One of the numerous reasons why they are, for us, so puzzling is that in spite of their historical uniqueness they are not quite original. They used and extended mechanisms already present in most other societies.More than that: in spite of their own internal mad ness, they used to a large extent the ideas and the devices of our political rationality. What we need is a new economy of power relations-the word â€Å"economy† being used in its theoretical and practical sense. To put it in other words: since Kant, the role of philosophy is to prevent reason from going beyond the limits of what is given in experience; but from the same moment-that is, since the development of the modern state and the political management of society-the role of philosophy is also to keep watch over the excessive powers of political rationality, which is a rather high expectation.Everybody is aware of such banal facts. But the fact that they're banal does not mean they don't exist. What we have to do with banal facts is to discover-or try to discover-which specific and perhaps original problem is connected with them. The relationship between rationalization and excesses of political power is evident. And we should not need to wait for bureaucracy or concentr ation camps to recognize the existence of such relations. But the problem is: What to do with such an evident fact? Shall we try reason? To my mind, nothing would be more sterile.First, because the field has nothing to do with guilt or innocence. Second, because it is senseless to refer to reason as the contrary entity to nonreason. Last, because such a trial would trap us into playing the arbitrary and boring part of either the rationalist or the irrationalist. Shall we investigate this kind of rationalism which seems to be specific to our modern culture and which originates in Aufkldrung? I think that was the approach of some of the members of the Frankfurt School. My purpose, however, is not to start a discussion of their works, although they are most important and valuable.Rather, I would suggest another way of investigating the links between rationalization and power. It may be wise not to take as a whole the rationalization of society or of culture but to analyze such a proces s in several fields, each with reference to a fundamental experience: madness, illness, death, crime, sexuality, and so forth. I think that the word â€Å"rationalization† is dangerous. What we have 780 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power to do is analyze specific rationalities rather than always invoke the progress of rationalization in general.Even if the Aufkliirung has been a very important phase in our history and in the development of political technology, I think we have to refer to much more remote processes if we want to understand how we have been trapped in our own history. I would like to suggest another way to go further toward a new economy of power relations, a way which is more empirical, more directly related to our present situation, and which implies more relations between theory and practice. It consists of taking the forms of resistance against different forms of power as a starting point.To use another metaphor, it consists of using this resistance as a chemical catalyst so as to bring to light power relations, locate their position, and find out their point of application and the methods used. Rather than analyzing power from the point of view of its internal rationality, it consists of analyzing power relations through the antagonism of strategies. For example, to find out what our society means by sanity, perhaps we should investigate what is happening in the field of insanity. And what we mean by legality in the field of illegality.And, in order to understand what power relations are about, perhaps we should investigate the forms of resistance and attempts made to dissociate these relations. As a starting point, let us take a series of oppositions which have developed over the last few years: opposition to the power of men over women, of parents over children, of psychiatry over the mentally ill, of medicine over the population, of administration over the ways people live. It is not enough to say that these are anti-authority struggles; we must try to define more precisely what they have in common. . They are â€Å"transversal† struggles; that is, they are not limited to one country. Of course, they develop more easily and to a greater extent in certain countries, but they are not confined to a particular political or economic form of government. 2. The aim of these struggles is the power effects as such. For example, the medical profession is not criticized primarily because it is a profit-making concern but because it exercises an uncontrolled power over people's bodies, their health, and their life and death. 3. These are â€Å"immediate† struggles for two reasons.In such struggles people criticize instances of power which are the closest to them, those which exercise their action on individuals. They do not look for the â€Å"chief enemy† but for the immediate enemy. Nor do they expect to find a solution to their problem at a future date (that is, liberations, revolutions, end of class struggle). In comparison with a theoretical scale of explanations or a revolutionary order which polarizes the historian, they are anarchistic struggles. Critical Inquiry Summer1982 781 But these are not their most original points. The following seem to me to be more specific. . They are struggles which question the status of the individual: on the one hand, they assert the right to be different, and they underline everything which makes individuals truly individual. On the other hand, they attack everything which separates the individual, breaks his links with others, splits up community life, forces the individual back on himself, and ties him to his own identity in a constraining way. These struggles are not exactly for or against the â€Å"individual† but rather they are struggles against the â€Å"government of individualization. 5. They are an opposition to the effects of power which are linked with knowledge, competence, and qualification: struggles against the privileges of knowledge. But they are also an opposition against secrecy, deformation, and mystifying representations imposed on people. There is nothing â€Å"scientistic† in this (that is, a dogmatic belief in the value of scientific knowledge), but neither is it a skeptical or relativistic refusal of all verified truth. What is questioned is the way in which knowledge circulates and functions, its relations to power.In short, the regime du savoir. 6. Finally, all these present struggles revolve around the question: Who are we? They are a refusal of these abstractions, of economic and ideological state violence, which ignore who we are individually, and also a refusal of a scientific or administrative inquisition which determines who one is. To sum up, the main objective of these struggles is to attack not so much â€Å"such or such† an institution of power, or group, or elite, or class but rather a technique, a form of power.This form of power applies itself to imm ediate everyday life which categorizes the individual, marks him by his own individuality, attaches him to his own identity, imposes a law of truth on him which he must recognize and which others have to recognize in him. It is a form of power which makes individuals subjects. There are two meanings of the word â€Å"subject†: subject to someone else by control and dependence; and tied to his own identity by a conscience or self-knowledge. Both meanings suggest a form of power which subjugates and makes subject to.Generally, it can be said that there are three types of struggles: either against forms of domination (ethnic, social, and religious); against forms of exploitation which separate individuals from what they produce; or against that which ties the individual to himself and submits him to others in this way (struggles against subjection, against forms of subjectivity and submission). I think that in history you can find a lot of examples of these three kinds of social struggles, either isolated from each other or mixed together. But even when they are mixed, one of them, most of the time, prevails.For instance, in the feudal societies, the struggles against the 782 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power forms of ethnic or social domination were prevalent, even though economic exploitation could have been very important among the revolt's causes. In the nineteenth century, the struggle against exploitation came into the foreground. And nowadays, the struggle against the forms of subjectionagainst the submission of subjectivity-is becoming more and more important, even though the struggles against forms of domination and exploitation have not disappeared. Quite the contrary. I suspect that it is ot the first time that our society has been confronted with this kind of struggle. All those movements which took place in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and which had the Reformation as their main expression and result should be analyzed as a great c risis of the Western experience of subjectivity and a revolt against the kind of religious and moral power which gave form, during the Middle Ages, to this subjectivity. The need to take a direct part in spiritual life, in the work of salvation, in the truth which lies in the Book-all that was a struggle for a new subjectivity.I know what objections can be made. We can say that all types of subjection are derived phenomena, that they are merely the consequences of other economic and social processes: forces of production, class struggle, and ideological structures which determine the form of subjectivity. It is certain that the mechanisms of subjection cannot be studied outside their relation to the mechanisms of exploitation and domination. But they do not merely constitute the â€Å"terminal† of more fundamental mechanisms. They entertain complex and circular relations with other forms.The reason this kind of struggle tends to prevail in our society is due to the fact that, since the sixteenth century, a new political form of power has been continuously developing. This new political structure, as everybody knows, is the state. But most of the time, the state is envisioned as a kind of political power which ignores individuals, looking only at the interests of the totality or, I should say, of a class or a group among the citizens. That's quite true. But I'd like to underline the fact that the state's power (and that's one of the reasons for its strength) is both an individualizing and a totalizing form of power.Never, I think, in the history of human societies–even in the old Chinese society-has there been such a tricky combination in the same political structures of individualization techniques and of totalization procedures. This is due to the fact that the modern Western state has integrated in a new political shape an old power technique which originated in Christian institutions. We can call this power technique the pastoral power. Critic al Inquiry Summer1982 783 First of all, a few words about this pastoral power.It has often been said that Christianity brought into being a code of ethics fundamentally different from that of the ancient world. Less emphasis is usually placed on the fact that it proposed and spread new power relations throughout the ancient world. Christianity is the only religion which has organized itself as a church. And as such, it postulates in principle that certain individuals can, by their religious quality, serve others not as princes, magistrates, prophets, fortune-tellers, benefactors, educationalists, and so on but as pastors.However, this word designates a very special form of power. 1. It is a form of power whose ultimate aim is to assure individual salvation in the next world. 2. Pastoral power is not merely a form of power which commands; it must also be prepared to sacrifice itself for the life and salvation of the flock. Therefore, it is different from royal power, which demands a sacrifice from its subjects to save the throne. 3. It is a form of power which does not look after just the whole community but each individual in particular, during his entire life. 4.Finally, this form of power cannot be exercised without knowing the inside of people's minds, without exploring their souls, without making them reveal their innermost secrets. It implies a knowledge of the conscience and an ability to direct it. This form of power is salvation oriented (as opposed to political power). It is oblative (as opposed to the principle of sovereignty); it is individualizing (as opposed to legal power); it is coextensive and continuous with life; it is linked with a production of truth-the truth of the individual himself.But all this is part of history, you will say; the pastorate has, if not disappeared, at least lost the main part of its efficiency. This is true, but I think we should distinguish between two aspects of pastoral power-between the ecclesiastical institutional ization, which has ceased or at least lost its vitality since the eighteenth century, and its function, which has spread and multiplied outside the ecclesiastical institution.An important phenomenon took place around the eighteenth century-it was a new distribution, a new organization of this kind of individualizing power. I don't think that we should consider the â€Å"modern state† as an entity which was developed above individuals, ignoring what they are and even their very existence, but, on the contrary, as a very sophisticated structure, in which individuals can be integrated, under one condition: that this individuality would be shaped in a new form and submitted to a set of very specific patterns.In a way, we can see the state as a modern matrix of individualization or a new form of pastoral power. 784 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power A few more words about this new pastoral power. 1. We may observe a change in its objective. It was no longer a question of leading people to their salvation in the next world but rather ensuring it in this world. And in this context, the word â€Å"salvation† takes on different meanings: health, well-being (that is, sufficient wealth, standard of living), security, protection against accidents.A series of â€Å"worldly† aims took the place of the religious aims of the traditional pastorate, all the more easily because the latter, for various reasons, had followed in an accessory way a certain number of these aims; we only have to think of the role of medicine and its welfare function assured for a long time by the Catholic and Protestant churches. 2. Concurrently the officials of pastoral power increased. Sometimes this form of power was exerted by state apparatus or, in any case, by a public institution such as the police. We should not forget that in the eighteenth century the police force was not invented only for maintaining law and order, nor for assisting governments in their struggle again st their enemies, but for assuring urban supplies, hygiene, health, and standards considered necessary for handicrafts and commerce. ) Sometimes the power was exercised by private ventures, welfare societies, benefactors, and generally by philanthropists. But ancient institutions, for example the family, were also mobilized at this time to take on pastoral functions. It was also exercised by complex structures such as medicine, hich included private initiatives with the sale of services on market economy principles, but which also included public institutions such as hospitals. 3. Finally, the multiplication of the aims and agents of pastoral power focused the development of knowledge of man around two roles: one, globalizing and quantitative, concerning the population; the other, analytical, concerning the individual. And this implies that power of a pastoral type, which over centuries-for more than a millennium-had been linked to a defined religious institution, suddenly spread ou t into the whole social body; it found support in a multitude of institutions.And, instead of a pastoral power and a political power, more or less linked to each other, more or less rival, there was an individualizing â€Å"tactic† which characterized a series of powers: those of the family, medicine, psychiatry, education, and employers. At the end of' the eighteenth century, Kant wrote, in a German newspaper-the Berliner Monatschrift-a short text. The title was â€Å"Was heisst Aufklairung? † It was for a long time, and it is still, considered a work of relatively small importance.But I can't help finding it very interesting and puzzling because it was the first time a philosopher proposed as a philosophical task to investigate not only the metaphysical system or the foundations of sci- Critical Inquiry Summer1982 785 entific knowledge but a historical event-a recent, even a contemporary event. When in 1784 Kant asked, Was heisst Aufklirung? , he meant, What's going on just now? What's happening to us? What is this world, this period, this precise moment in which we are living? Or in other words: What are we? as Aufklidrer,as part of the Enlightenment? Compare this with the Cartesian question: Who am I?I, as a unique but universal and unhistorical subject? I, for Descartes, is everyone, anywhere at any moment? But Kant asks something else: What are we? in a very precise moment of history. Kant's question appears as an analysis of both us and our present. I think that this aspect of philosophy took on more and more importance. Hegel, Nietzsche †¦ The other aspect of â€Å"universal philosophy† didn't disappear. But the task of philosophy as a critical analysis of our world is something which is more and more important. Maybe the most certain of all philosophical problems is the problem of the present time and of what we are in this very moment.Maybe the target nowadays is not to discover what we are but to refuse what we are. We have to imagine and to build up what we could be to get rid of this kind of political â€Å"double bind,† which is the simultaneous individualization and totalization of modern power structures. The conclusion would be that the political, ethical, social, philosophical problem of our days is not to try to liberate the individual from the state and from the state's institutions but to liberate us both from the state and from the type of individualization which is linked to the state.We have to promote new forms of subjectivity through the refusal of this kind of individuality which has been imposed on us for several centuries. How Is Power Exercised? For some people, asking questions about the â€Å"how† of power would limit them to describing its effects without ever relating those effects either to causes or to a basic nature. It would make this power a mysterious substance which they might hesitate to interrogate in itself, no doubt because they would prefer not to call it into question.By proceeding this way, which is never explicitly justified, they seem to suspect the presence of a kind of fatalism. But does not their very distrust indicate a presupposition that power is something which exists with three distinct qualities: its origin, its basic nature, and its manifestations? If, for the time being, I grant a certain privileged position to the question of â€Å"how,† it is not because I would wish to eliminate the ques- 786 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power tions of â€Å"what† and â€Å"why. Rather, it is that I wish to present these questions in a different way: better still, to know if it is legitimate to imagine a power which unites in itself a what, a why, and a how. To put it bluntly, I would say that to begin the analysis with a â€Å"how† is to suggest that power as such does not exist. At the very least it is to ask oneself what contents one has in mind when using this all-embracing and reifying term; it is to suspect that an extremely complex configuration of realities is allowed to escape when one treads endlessly in the double question: What is power? and Where does power come from? The little question, What happens? although flat and empirical, once scrutinized is seen to avoid accusing a metaphysics or an ontology of power of being fraudulent; rather, it attempts a critical investigation into the thematics of power. â€Å"How,† not in the sense oJ â€Å"How does it manifest itself? † but â€Å"By what means is it exercised? † and â€Å"Whathappens when individuals exert(as theysay) power over others? † As far as this power is concerned, it is first necessary to distinguish that which is exerted over things and gives the ability to modify, use, consume, or destroy them-a power which stems from aptitudes directly inherent in the body or relayed by external instruments.Let us say that here it is a question of â€Å"capacity. † On the other hand, what c haracterizes the power we are analyzing is that it brings into play relations between individuals (or between groups). For let us not deceive ourselves; if we speak of the structures or the mechanisms of power, it is only insofar as we suppose that certain persons exercise power over others. The term â€Å"power† designates relationships between partners (and by that I am not thinking of a zero-sum game but simply, and for the moment staying in the most general terms, of an ensemble of actions which induce others and follow from one another).It is necessary also to distinguish power relations from relationships of communication which transmit information by means of a language, a system of signs, or any other symbolic medium. No doubt communicating is always a certain way of acting upon another person or persons. But the production and circulation of elements of meaning can have as their objective or as their consequence certain results in the realm of power; the latter are n ot simply an aspect of the former. Whether or not they pass through systems of communication, power relations have a specific nature.Power relations, relationships of communication, and objective capacities should not therefore be confused. This is not to say that there is a question of three separate domains. Nor that there is on one hand the field of things, of perfected technique, work, and the transformation of the real; on the other that of signs, communication, reciprocity, and the production of meaning; and finally, that of the domination of the Critical Inquiry Summer1982 787 means of constraint, of inequality, and the action of men upon other men. It is a question of three types of relationships which in fact always overlap one another, support one another reciprocally, and use each other mutually as means to an end. The application of objective capacities in their most elementary forms implies relationships of communication (whether in the form of previously acquired infor mation or of shared work); it is tied also to power relations (whether they consist of obligatory tasks, of gestures imposed by tradition or apprenticeship, of subdivisions and the more or less obligatory distribution of labor).Relationships of communication imply finalized activities (even if only the correct putting into operation of elements of meaning) and, by virtue of modifying the field of information between partners, produce effects of power. They can scarcely be dissociated from activities brought to their final term, be they those which permit the exercise of this power (such as training techniques, processes of domination, the means by which obedience is obtained) or those, which in order to develop their potential, call upon relations of power (the division of labor and the hierarchy of tasks).Of course, the coordination between these three types of relationships is neither uniform nor constant. In a given society there is no general type of equilibrium between finalize d activities, systems of communication, and power relations. Rather, there are diverse forms, diverse places, diverse circumstances or occasions in which these interrelationships establish themselves according to a specific model.But there are also â€Å"blocks† in which the adjustment of abilities, the resources of communication, and power relations constitute regulated and concerted systems. Take, for example, an educational institution: the disposal of its space, the meticulous regulations which govern its internal life, the different activities which are organized there, the diverse persons who live there or meet one another, each with his own function, his well-defined character-all these things constitute a block of capacitycommunication-power.The activity which ensures apprenticeship and the acquisition of aptitudes or types of behavior is developed there by means of a whole ensemble of regulated communications (lessons, questions and answers, orders, exhortations, cod ed signs of obedience, differentiation marks of the â€Å"value† of each person and of the levels of knowledge) and by the means of a whole series of power processes (enclosure, surveillance, reward and punishment, the pyramidal hierarchy).These blocks, in which the putting into operation of technical capacities, the game of communications, and the relationships of power are adjusted to one another according to considered formulae, con1. When Jiirgen Habermas distinguishes between domination, communication, and finalized activity, I do not think that he sees in them three separate domains but rather three â€Å"transcendentals. † 788 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power titute what one might call, enlarging a little the sense of the word, â€Å"disciplines. † The empirical analysis of certain disciplines as they have been historically constituted presents for this very reason a certain interest. This is so because the disciplines show, first, according to artifi cially clear and decanted systems, the manner in which systems of objective finality and systems of communication and power can be welded together.They also display different models of articulation, sometimes giving preeminence to power relations and obedience (as in those disciplines of a monastic or penitential type), sometimes to finalize activities (as in the disciplines of workshops or hospitals), sometimes to relationships of communication (as in the disciplines of apprenticeship), sometimes also to a saturation of the three types of relationship (as perhaps in military discipline, where a plethora of signs indicates, to the point of redundancy, tightly knit power relations calculated with care to produce a certain number of technical effects).What is to be understood by the disciplining of societies in Europe since the eighteenth century is not, of course, that the individuals who are part of them become more and more obedient, nor that they set about assembling in barracks, schools, or prisons; rather, that an increasingly better invigilated process of adjustment has been sought after-more and more rational and economic-between productive activities, resources of communication, and the play of power relations.To approach the theme of power by an analysis of â€Å"how† is therefore to introduce several critical shifts in relation to the supposition of a fundamental power. It is to give oneself as the object of analysis power relations and not power itself-power relations which are distinct from objective abilities as well as from relations of communication. This is as much as saying that power relations can be grasped in the diversity of their logical sequence, their abilities, and their interrelationships.What constitutesthe specificnature of power? The exercise of power is not simply a relationship between partners, individual or collective; it is a way in which certain actions modify'others. Which is to say, of course, that something called Po wer, with or without a capital letter, which is assumed to exist universally in a concentrated or diffused form, does not exist. Power exists only when it is put into action, even if, of course, it is integrated into a disparate field of possibilities brought to bear upon permanent structures.This also means that power is not a function of consent. In itself it is not a renunciation of freedom, a transference of rights, the power of each and all delegated to a few (which does not prevent the possibility that consent may be a condition for the existence or the maintenance of power); the relationship of power can be the result of a prior or permanent consent, but it is not by nature the manifestation of a consensus. Critical Inquiry Summer 1982 89 Is this to say that one must seek the character proper to power relations in the violence which must have been its primitive form, its permanent secret, and its last resource, that which in the final analysis appears as its real nature when it is forced to throw aside its mask and to show itself as it really is? In effect, what defines a relationship of power is that it is a mode of action which does not act directly and immediately on others.Instead, it acts upon their actions: an action upon an action, on existing actions or on those which may arise in the present or the future. A relationship of violence acts upon a body or upon things; it forces, it bends, it breaks on the wheel, it destroys, or it closes the door on all possibilities. Its opposite pole can only be passivity, and if it comes up against any resistance, it has no other option but to try to minimize it.On the other hand, a power relationship can only be articulated on the basis of two elements which are each indispensable if it is really to be a power relationship: that â€Å"the other† (the one over whom power is exercised) be thoroughly recognized and maintained to the very end as a person who acts; and that, faced with a relationship of powe r, a whole field of responses, reactions, results, and possible inventions may open up.Obviously the bringing into play of power relations does not exclude the use of violence any more than it does the obtaining of consent; no doubt the exercise of power can never do without one or the other, often both at the same time. But even though consensus and violence are the instruments or the results, they do not constitute the principle or the basic nature of power. The exercise of power can produce as much acceptance as may be wished for: it can pile up the dead and shelter itself behind whatever threats it can imagine.In itself the exercise of power is not violence; nor is it a consent which, implicitly, is renewable. It is a total structure of actions brought to bear upon possible actions; it incites, it induces, it seduces, it makes easier or more difficult; in the extreme it constrains or forbids absolutely; it is nevertheless always a way of acting upon an acting subject or acting s ubjects by virtue of their acting or being capable of action. A set of actions upon other actions.Perhaps the equivocal nature of the term â€Å"conduct† is one of the best aids for coming to terms with the specificity of power relations. For to â€Å"conduct† is at the same time to â€Å"lead† others (according to mechanisms of coercion which are, to varying degrees, strict) and a way of behaving within a more or less open field of possibilities. * The exercise of power consists in guiding the possibility of conduct and putting in order the possible outcome.Basically power is less a confrontation between two adversaries or the linking of one to the other than a question of government. This word must be allowed the very broad meaning *Foucault is playing on the double meaning in French of the verb conduire, â€Å"to lead† or â€Å"to drive,† and se conduire, â€Å"to behave† or â€Å"to conduct oneself†; whence la conduite, â€Å"con duct† or â€Å"behavior. â€Å"-Translator's note. 790 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power which it had in the sixteenth century. Government† did not refer only to political structures or to the management of states; rather, it designated the way in which the conduct of individuals or of groups might be directed: the government of children, of souls, of communities, of families, of the sick. It did not only cover the legitimately constituted forms of political or economic subjection but also modes of action, more or less considered or calculated, which were destined to act upon the possibilities of action of other people. To govern, in this sense, is to structure the possible field of action of others.The relationship proper to power would not, therefore, be sought on the side of violence or of struggle, nor on that of voluntary linking (all of which can, at best, only be the instruments of power), but rather in the area of the singular mode of action, neither warlike nor juridical, which is government. When one defines the exercise of power as a mode of action upon the actions of others, when one characterizes these actions by the government of men by other men-in the broadest sense of the term-one includes an important element: freedom.Power is exercised only over free subjects, and only insofar as they are free. By this we mean individual or collective subjects who are faced with a field of possibilities in which several ways of behaving, several reactions and diverse comportments, may be realized. Where the determining factors saturate the whole, there is no relationship of power; slavery is not a power relationship when man is in chains. (In this case it is a question of a physical relationship of constraint. Consequently, there is no face-to-face confrontation of power and freedom, which are mutually exclusive (freedom disappears everywhere power is exercised), but a much more complicated interplay. In this game freedom may well appear as the condition for the exercise of power (at the same time its precondition, since freedom must exist for power to be exerted, and also its permanent support, since without the possibility of recalcitrance, power would be equivalent to a physical determination). The relationship between power and freedom's refusal to submit cannot, therefore, be separated.The crucial problem of power is not that of voluntary servitude (how could we seek to be slaves? ). At the very heart of the power relationship, and constantly provoking it, are the recalcitrance of the will and the intransigence of freedom. Rather than speaking of an essential freedom, it would be better to speak of an â€Å"agonism†*–of a relationship which is at the same time reciprocal incitation and struggle, less of a face-to-face confrontation which paralyzes both sides than a permanent provocation. *Foucault's neologism is based on the Greek &ycvro-ota meaning â€Å"a combat. The term would hence imply a physi cal contest in which the opponents develop a strategy of reaction and of†¢ mutual taunting, as in a wrestling match. -Translator's note. Critical Inquiry How is one to analyze the power relationship? Summer1982 791 One can analyze such relationships, or rather I should say that it is perfectly legitimate to do so, by focusing on carefully defined institutions. The latter constitute a privileged point of observation, diversified, concentrated, put in order, and carried through to the highest point of their efficacity.It is here that, as a first approximation, one might expect to see the appearance of the form and logic of their elementary mechanisms. However, the analysis of power relations as one finds them in certain circumscribed institutions presents a certain number of problems. First, the fact that an important part of the mechanisms put into operation by an institution are designed to ensure its own preservation brings with it the risk of deciphering functions which are e ssentially reproductive, especially in power relations between institutions.Second, in analyzing power relations from the standpoint of institutions, one lays oneself open to seeking the explanation and the origin of the former in the latter, that is to say, finally, to explain power to power. Finally, insofar as institutions act essentially by bringing into play two elements, explicit or tacit regulations and an apparatus, one risks giving to one or the other an exaggerated privilege in the relations of power and hence to see in the latter only modulations of the law and of coercion.This does not deny the importance of institutions on the establishment of power relations. Instead, I wish to suggest that one must analyze institutions from the standpoint of power relations, rather than vice versa, and that the fundamental point of anchorage of the relationships, even if they are embodied and crystallized in an institution, is to be found outside the institution. Let us come back to t he definition of the exercise of power as a way in which certain actions may structure the field of other possible actions.What, therefore, would be proper to a relationship of power is that it be a mode of action upon actions. That is to say, power relations are rooted deep in the social nexus, not reconstituted â€Å"above† society as a supplementary structure whose radical effacement one could perhaps dream of. In any case, to live in society is to live in such a way that action upon other actions is possible-and in fact ongoing. A society without power relations can only be an abstraction. Which, be it said in passing, makes all the more olitically necessary the analysis of power relations in a given society, their historical formation, the source of their strength or fragility, the conditions which are necessary to transform some or to abolish others. For to say that there cannot be a society without power relations is not to say either that those which are established a re necessary or, in any case, that power constitutes a fatality at the heart of societies, such that it cannot be undermined. Instead, I would say that the analysis, elaboration, and bringing into question of power relations 792 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power nd the â€Å"agonism† between power relations and the intransitivity of freedom is a permanent political task inherent in all social existence. The analysis of power relations demands that a certain number of points be established concretely: 1. The system of differentiationswhich permits one to act upon the actions of others: differentiations determined by the law or by traditions of status and privilege; economic differences in the appropriation of riches and goods, shifts in the processes of production, linguistic or cultural differences, differences in know-how and competence, and so forth.Every relationship of power puts into operation differentiations which are at the same time its conditions and its results. 2. The typesof objectivespursued by those who act upon the actions of others: the maintenance of privileges, the accumulation of profits, the bringing into operation of statutary authority, the exercise of a function or of a trade. 3.The means of bringing power relations into being: according to whether power is exercised by the threat of arms, by the effects of the word, by means of economic disparities, by more or less complex means of control, by systems of surveillance, with or without archives, according to rules which are or are not explicit, fixed or modifiable, with or without the technological means to put all these things into action. 4. Forms of institutionalization: these may mix traditional redispositions, legal structures, phenomena relating to custom or to fashion (such as one sees in the institution of the family); they can also take the form of an apparatus closed in upon itself, with its specific loci, its own regulations, its hierarchical structures which are car efully defined, a relative autonomy in its functioning (such as scholastic or military institutions); they can also form very complex systems endowed with multiple apparatuses, as in the case of the state, whose function is the taking of everything under its wing, the bringing into being of general surveillance, the principle of regulation, and, to a certain extent also, the distribution of all power relations in a given social ensemble. 5. The degrees of rationalization: the bringing into play of power relations as action in a field of possibilities may be more or less elaborate in relation to the effectiveness of the instruments and the certainty of the results (greater or lesser technological refinements employed in the exercise of power) or again in proportion to the possible cost (be it the economic cost of the means brought into operation or the cost in terms of reaction constituted by the resistance which is encountered).The exercise of power is not a naked fact, an instituti onal right, nor is it a structure which holds out or is smashed: it is elaborated, transformed, organized; it endows itself with processes which are more or less adjusted to the situation. One sees why the analysis of power relations within a society cannot be reduced to the study of a series of institutions, not even to the study of Critical Inquiry Summer1982 793 all those institutions which would merit the name â€Å"political. † Power relations are rooted in the system of social networks. This is not to say, however, that there is a primary and fundamental principle of power which dominates society down to the smallest detail; but, taking as point of departure the possibility of action upon the action of others (which is coextensive with every social relationship), multiple forms of individual isparity, of objectives, of the given application of power over ourselves or others, of, in varying degrees, partial or universal institutionalization, of more or less deliberate or ganization, one can define different forms of power. The forms and the specific situations of the government of men by one another in a given society are multiple; they are superimposed, they cross, impose their own limits, sometimes cancel one another out, sometimes reinforce one another. It is certain that in contemporary societies the state is not simply one of the forms or specific situations of the exercise of power–even if it is the most important-but that in a certain way all other forms of power relation must refer to it.But this is not because they are derived from it; it is rather because power relations have come more and more under state control (although this state control has not taken the same form in pedagogical, judicial, economic, or family systems). In referring here to the restricted sense of the word â€Å"government,† one could say that power relations have been progressively governmentalized, that is to say, elaborated, rationalized, and centrali zed in the form of, or under the auspices of, state institutions. Relations of power and relations of strategy. The word â€Å"strategy† is currently employed in three ways. First, to designate the means employed to attain a certain end; it is a question of rationality functioning to arrive at an objective.Second, to designate the manner in which a partner in a certain game acts with regard to what he thinks should be the action of the others and what he considers the others think to be his own; it is the way in which one seeks to have the advantage over others. Third, to designate the procedures used in a situation of confrontation to deprive the opponent of his means of combat and to reduce him to giving up the struggle; it is a question, therefore, of the means destined to obtain victory. These three meanings come together in situations of confrontation-war or games-where the objective is to act upon an adversary in such a manner as to render the struggle impossible for hi m. So strategy is defined by the choice of winning solutions.But it must be borne in mind that this is a very special type of situation and that there are others in which the distinctions between the different senses of the word â€Å"strategy† must be maintained. Referring to the first sense I have indicated, one may call power strategy the totality of the means put into operation to implement power effectively or to maintain it. One may also speak of a strategy proper to 794 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power power relations insofar as they constitute modes of action upon possible action, the action of others. One can therefore interpret the mechanisms brought into play in power relations in terms of strategies. But most important is obviously the relationship between power relations and confrontation strategies.For, if it is true that at the heart of power relations and as a permanent condition of their existence there is an insubordination and a certain essential obstin acy on the part of the principles of freedom, then there is no relationship of power without the means of escape or possible flight. Every power relationship implies, at least in potentia, a strategy of struggle, in which the two forces are not superimposed, do not lose their specific nature, or do not finally become confused. Each constitutes for the other a kind of permanent limit, a point of possible reversal. A relationship of confrontation reaches its term, its final moment (and the victory of one of the two adversaries), when stable mechanisms replace the free play of antagonistic reactions.Through such mechanisms one can direct, in a fairly constant manner and with reasonable certainty, the conduct of others. For a relationship of confrontation, from the moment it is not a struggle to the death, the fixing of a power relationship becomes a target-at one and the same time its fulfillment and its suspension. And in return, the strategy of struggle also constitutes a frontier fo r the relationship of power, the line at which, instead of manipulating and inducing actions in a calculated manner, one must be content with reacting to them after the event. It would not be possible for power relations to exist without points of insubordination which, by definition, are means of escape.Accordingly, every intensification, every extension of power relations to make the insubordinate submit can only result in the limits of power. The latter reaches its final term either in a type of action which reduces the other to total impotence (in which case victory over the adversary replaces the exercise of power) or by a confrontation with those whom one governs and their transformation into adversaries. Which is to say that every strategy of confrontation dreams of becoming a relationship of power, and every relationship of power leans toward the idea that, if it follows its own line of development and comes up against direct confrontation, it may become the winning strategy .In effect, between a relationship of power and a strategy of struggle there is a reciprocal appeal, a perpetual linking and a perpetual reversal. At every moment the relationship of power may become a confrontation between two adversaries. Equally, the relationship between adversaries in society may, at every moment, give place to the putting into operation of mechanisms of power. The consequence of this instability is the ability to decipher the same events and the same transformations either from inside the history of struggle or from the standpoint of the power relationships. The interpretations which result will not consist of the same elements of meaning or the same links or the same types of intelligibility, Critical Inquiry Summer 1982 795 lthough they refer to the same historical fabric, and each of the two analyses must have reference to the other. In fact, it is precisely the disparities between the two readings which make visible those fundamental phenomena of â€Å"dom ination† which are present in a large number of human societies.Domination is in fact a general structure of power whose ramifications and consequences can sometimes be found descending to the most recalcitrant fibers of society. But at the same time it is a strategic situation more or less taken for granted and consolidated by means of a long-term confrontation between adversaries. It can certainly happen that the fact of domination may only be the transcription of a mechanism of power esulting from confrontation and its consequences (a political structure stemming from invasion); it may also be that a relationship of struggle between two adversaries is the result of power relations with the conflicts and cleavages which ensue. But what makes the domination of a group, a caste, or a class, together with the resistance and revolts which that domination comes up against, a central phenomenon in the history of societies is that they manifest in a massive and universalizing form, at the level of the whole social body, the locking together of power relations with relations of strategy and the results proceeding from their interaction.

Environment: Pollution and Human Activity

Nowadays the Earth faces a number of serious problems, such as the environment pollution, the increasing population, the fatal effects of nuclear weapons, etc. The problems arising from not just development in terms of science and technology but also the increase in human demands based on population and economy.According to Professor David Karoly from the Department of Earth Sciences at the University of Melbourne, it is time to take urgent action to slow global warming by human activities, because the impacts of human-caused climate change in many natural systems much earlier than previous studies had projected which are being seen (Proof: humans have damaged earth, 2008). There is inconvertible fact that in history of humanity, human causes detrimental effects on earth. Indeed, human activity affects nature and human environment. For centuries, many activities of human have destroyed ecosystem of the Earth.Deforestation and over-hunting is one of the main causes of this serious sit uation. The world is very big, but natural resources are not endless. In fact, Dave Gilbert (2012) announced that nearly a fifth of the Brazilian forest has been lost since 1970. That means all of the trees, plants, insects, animals and people who live there either killed or forced to find a new home. The world population is growing rapidly, so people need food and shelter. Many food and housing means that they need more land from nature. Therefore, they cut down trees to build houses, deforest to plant vegetables and raise cattle.They destroy natural areas in order to expand cities and towns, and they overuse natural resources. Now people only can see some animals in the zoo because they have disappeared in nature. In addition, intensive and indiscriminate fishing in freshwater systems, such as Lake Victoria in East Africa have catastrophic effects may prove to biodiversity (Elsa & Michael, 2011). Poaching is not only a serious problem but also massive over-fishing. Many nations ha ve banned illegal activities, but enforcement is very difficult. Industrial pollution and daily waste is also a major factor affecting the environment.Admittedly, people are producing more and more rubbish, because they prefer to eat the ready-made food. This has given rise to the rubbish production. These garbage produce in many ways and unfortunately, have bad effect on ecosystem. Susan Patterson (2014) showed that farmers in the U. S. use about 450 billion kilograms of pesticides every year, so most of the rivers and streams in the U. S. have more chemicals that cause cancer and birth defects. In industry, many companies are causing a lot of pollution. The fast rate of growth of chemicals industry has seriously affected the health of not only the environment but also the population.The companies have chimneys that emit bad toxic that pollutes the air. They also use chemicals that are bad for the environment. The chemicals have bad environmental effect on the water and ground. The environment’s pollution levels are important, because it can effect badly on human bodies. Air pollution can affect the ability to breath, water pollution can affect human health, and lastly the ground pollution can affect all sorts of different cancers, such as lymph node cancer and stomach cancer. Correspondingly, the companies also occupy many places where animals and plants live.The projects improve roads and highways between beautiful greenwood and virgin forest. Therefore, with decreasing forests, people face to increase the gas of carbon dioxide that there are not enough plants to absorb it. According to Chennal (2012), as many as 300 volunteers from Youth Exnora International and HCL Technologies cleaned Marina Beach on July 4. For resolving the increasing stress on the environment and resources, and also responding to the ever-increasing demands of the citizens for environmental quality protection and improvement in ecological environment, many organizations and cam paigns is set up to protect environment.On the other hand, the modern life brings human many convenient things such as road and cars. Human can travel or go to other places more conveniently. They also have more convenient and entertaining things such as television, microwave, computer, and air conditioner. No one can deny that some human activities make the earth a better to live. However, these things could destroy our environment. A lot of air pollution emits to environment from electricity generation. Exhausted gas from cars and flue gas from factories also pollute the air.Besides, the natural resources that used as the main energy are not endless as we thought. Modern industries need more and more resources such as oils, gases, fuels, and water. So, people faced to the serious problems such as the shortage of fuels and water. Human will die of thirst if they waste water, or die of hungry if they waste the needful fuels that they need for cooking food. If human are not careful a bout how we use the natural resources, they will lose many of them in the near future.The Earth is being changes by human-caused. Many people are still trying to protect the environment against danger. With practical activities such as planting trees, building national parks, protecting danger animals, etc. However, the bad influences are outweighed the good. Human activity is harming not only the Earth but also the living habitats of animals and people. In sum, people should consider carefully before doing something to minimize bad influences on the earth and protect the human life.

How to Brainstorm in the Classroom

How to Brainstorm in the Classroom Brainstorming is an excellent teaching strategy to generate ideas on a given topic. Brainstorming helps promote thinking skills. When students are asked to think of all things related to a concept, they are really being asked to stretch their thinking skills. All too often, a child with special learning needs will say they dont know. However, with the technique of brainstorming, the child says what comes to mind as it relates to the topic. Brainstorming promotes success for students with special needs as there is no one right answer. Lets say that the brainstorm topic is weather, the students would state whatever comes to mind, which would most likely include words like rain, hot, cold, temperature, seasons, mild, cloudy, stormy, etc. Brainstorming is also a terrific idea to do for bell work (when you have just 5-10 minutes to fill just prior to the bell).​ Brainstorming Is an Excellent Strategy To... Use in the inclusive classroomTap into prior knowledgeGive all students a chance to express their ideasEliminate fear of failuresShow respect for each otherTry something without fearTap into individuality and creativityEliminate the fear of risk-taking Here are some basic rules to follow when conducting a brainstorm in the classroom with a small or whole group of students: There are no wrong answersTry to get as many ideas as possibleRecord all ideasDo not express your evaluation on any idea presented Prior to starting a new topic or concept, the brainstorm session will provide teachers with a great deal of information regarding what the student may or may not know. Brainstorming Ideas to Get You Started What are all the things you can do with a ball? (marble, stick, book, elastic, apple, etc.)How many things are white? blue? green? etc.What are all the methods of travel?How many types of insects, animals, flowers, trees do you know?How many ways can you describe the way something is said? (whispered, shrieked, bellowed, yelled, retorted, etc.)How many things can you think of that are sweet? salty? sour? bitter? etc.How many ways can you describe the ocean? mountains? etc.What if there were no cars? rain? butterflies? cigarettes?What if all cars were yellow?What if you were caught in a tornado?What if it never stopped raining? What if the school day was only half days? went all year? Once the brainstorming activity is done, you have a great deal of information on where to take the topic next. Or, if the brainstorming activity is done as bell work, link it to a current theme or topic to enhance knowledge. You can also categorize/classify the students answers once the brainstorm is done or separate it out and let students work in groups on each of the sub-topics. Share this strategy with parents who have children who are insecure about sharing, the more they brainstorm, the better they get at it and thus enhancing their thinking skills.

The Changing Meaning of Mural

The Changing Meaning of Mural The Changing Meaning of Mural The Changing Meaning of Mural By Maeve Maddox Because I am used to thinking of a mural as a painting on a wall, I was startled to hear a local radio announcer refer to a contest for artists to submit designs to paint â€Å"murals† on storm drains. Storm drains are on the ground. They are also rather small. I think of murals as being quite large. Here’s the definition from the OED: mural (noun): a painting executed directly on to a wall or ceiling as part of a scheme of decoration. I was surprised to see ceiling included in the definition. Mural derives from the Latin word for wall: murus. The Latin adjective is muralis, â€Å"of or relating to a wall.† According to the OED, mural in the context of painting is an American coinage dating from 1908. In earlier British usage, a mural was â€Å"a fruit tree grown against and fastened to a wall.† In US urban settings, mural is used in its customary sense, but recently it has come to be used of paintings made on sidewalks, on streets, and even on such things as benches. Here are some examples from news stories originating in different parts of the country: Last year, the CARE neighborhood in partnership with Banner Neighborhoods painted a street mural in the intersection at the south side of the market. - Maryland. University Facilities and Services is coordinating a project featuring storm drain murals to encourage pollution awareness. - Illinois. Monroe Municipal Mural on sidewalk - Georgia. This year another ten local artists were chosen to  paint murals  on ten  storm drains  in the Springfield area.  - Missouri. The new FABnyc  sidewalk mural, fashioned by  Ecuadorian artist Raà ºl Ayala is among our favorite public artworks to surface this year. - New York. â€Å"Only rain down the drain,† reads a mural painted on a concrete bench on the west side of Matthews Street halfway between Green Street and Springfield Avenue. - Illinois. This expanded meaning for mural has resulted in the creation of the retronym â€Å"wall mural.† For Drew and me, painting wall murals has been a great source of extra income. Its finally time to put the finishing touches on the Library Wall Mural and seal it. We completed a big full color wall mural in Naga Gallery. Purists may cringe at the idea of â€Å"sidewalk murals,† but if the painting on a ceiling can be called a mural, I suppose that a large painting on the floor or the ground might reasonably share the term. To refer to a painting or design on a small surface such as a bench or a storm drain as a mural, however, seems to be an unnecessary stretch of meaning. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Vocabulary category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:15 Terms for Those Who Tell the FuturePeople versus Persons30 Words Invented by Shakespeare

The Cost of High Stakes On Little League Games Essay

The Cost of High Stakes On Little League Games - Essay Example The parents who constantly push their children to excel can not seem to understand that not all children are meant to be over-achievers or future sports superstars. That is why they constantly shout at their kids to do better during the game and get loud, foul-mouthed, and dangerously aggressive towards the Little League officials during certain games. Although I do not have children of my own to use as the basis of comparison for this paper, I will have to say that I have attended quite a number of Little League games where my nephews were participants, and I would have to agree with Nevius in this case; the violence in the stands and on the field that is caused by the parents made me want to yank my nephews off the court more than a few times. Little League is no longer a fun weekend activity for kids these days. Instead, it has transformed into a pressure cooker for the children whose parents expect them to be the next big name in sports and the star jock of their college or unive rsity. Parents put so much pressure on their children to succeed in Little League due to their future interests in the child's welfare that I would not wish a Little League membership on the child of my worst enemy. Little League now has high stake costs because the parents have blown the Little League success of their children out of proportion. The high stakes cost of the Little League games is not limited to the amount of time that the child spends training, attending sports clinics, or even the cost of professional coaching that the parents insist that their children must have in order to succeed in Little League. Rather, the high stakes of these games come at the price of the lives of the participants. The coaches are often getting the brunt of the ire of the parents. It is these people, the hired hand, whose lives are placed on the line because of a parent's uncontrollable temper. Which is why some kids, such as Jesse Cayas, give up the mainstream Little League sports altogeth er. He explains: â€Å"A lot of parents would get into fights (arguments) sometimes. They'd yell at each other.† (qtd. in Kroichick). The situation as described by Cayas is one that is replicated at thousands of Little League parks across the country. The parents are either yelling at the kids to improve their game, or they are at the throats of the coaches, umpires, or referees for making what they perceive to be bad calls during the game. Parents, who are expected to be the epitome of proper behavior in public and dignified calm in the face of defeat, turn into wild animals who attack those whom they feel have prevented their child or children from achieving victory. Our country has developed an unhealthy habit of turning any game into an all out sports war. From the early beginnings of the NBA games on television, these days, parents and the public do not think of the humiliation and embarrassment that children feel when every Little League game that can gain air time, eve n on local television stations only, becomes such a big deal for all concerned. Having the Little League of Baseball series aired does not do any of the playing teams a favor either as the children are forced to play out their eventual loss or win over television. These types of events place undue stress on the children and the parents (Stenzler, â€Å"Little League World Series: Children are Thrust into the Media Glare†). Exactly when did embarrassing the child on local or national television become a part of the enjoyment

Analysis of Heart of Darkness Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Analysis of Heart of Darkness - Essay Example Referred to as the â€Å"dark continent†, Africa was one of the world’s ‘dark places’ that the Europeans had colonized by the 1890s. It is perceived in other the places (Africa, England and Brussels) that Conrad describes as depressing, dark areas. Darkness symbolizes the unknown, gaining power because we are afraid to find out what it is hiding from us (for example, in Section 2, Part II, when Marlow’s steamer enters an oppressive fog bank resulting in blurring and distortion of vision, the men aboard it are terrified when they hear a high-pitched scream followed by a clamor of savage voices; their terror emanates from their knowledge that danger is lurking somewhere in the foggy darkness, but they are unable to see it or gauge its potency (http://www.novelguide.com/heartofdarkness/index.html). It is the metaphoric meaning of darkness that is more prevalent throughout the novel. Conrad refers to darkness as the human inability to see beyond another individual’s personal faà §ade, and the inability to understand the feelings of that individual, both of which lead to inability to establish any sort of mutual understanding or sympathetic interaction with that person. Darkness is compelling and alluring. Unknown danger has always been a magnet that has drawn humans to dare and explore it. In the context of the novel, darkness conceals unknown dangers in Africa that Europeans dare to tackle for the rewards it would bring. To the company men, the reward is material wealth represented by ivory; to Marlow, the African darkness conceals adventure, this being the main reason he traveled to that place due to a map he came across (Section 1, Part I), depicting the region as unexplored land (http://www.novelguide.com/heartofdarkness/index.html). Darkness is used as a cloak to conceal acts of savagery. Conrad suggests that such a cloak of darkness can camouflage savage acts that would be impossible to contemplate in European civilization. For example, Kurtz